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March 23, 20

3:10 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Your Eminence, thanks. It's great to have you back at the White House,韓文翻譯. One of the joys about being the President is you get to meet some pretty interesting people. And I will tell Your Eminence, I value our friendship. You're such a gentle soul, and it gives me great -- it soothes my spirit to be with you. I appreciate your prayers and I appreciate your leadership, and I am proud to join you in celebrating the 186th anniversary of Greek independence. And we're glad you're here. Thanks for ing.

As you can tell, there is going to be a series of orations, and then you get to go have some refreshments. I appreciate the leaders of the Greek American munity who are here with us today. Our country is home to 1.2 million Greek Americans -- actually, more than that. And, Your Eminence, Greek Americans have really enriched our culture and enriched our nation's heritage. They're a lively bunch, as you know -- (laughter) -- but an important group of people in our country, and that's really what we here. We our friendship with the nation of Greece.

And Madam Foreign Minister, thanks for ing. I talked to Condi about her discussions with you. We have a lot to do together, and I appreciate your leadership.

I thank the Ambassador for joining us today. Mr. Ambassador, thanks. Thanks for bringing Francoise, wife. I appreciate the Ambassador from -- the Cypriot Ambassador to the United States. Andreas, thank you for ing. Appreciate you being here. Thank you for bringing your wife, Kareen.

I want to thank Nick Burns for being here, former Ambassador to Greece from the United States, now top official at the State Department. One of my top advisors happens to be a Greek American -- Fran Townsend, Fran Fragos Townsend, whose advice I listen to on a regular basis, Your Eminence. Thank you for serving.

I appreciate the members of Congress who have e. Thank you all for taking time: Congressmen Carolyn Maloney, from New York; Gus Bilirakis, from Florida; John Sarbanes, from Maryland; Zack Space, from Ohio. I appreciate you all ing. You're wele to be here.

I want to thank Father Alex -- wherever you are -- there he is. Father Alex, yes, trying to be as low profile as possible. Appreciate you ing and thanks for your continued friendship.

I want to thank members of the United States military, Greek Americans who wear the uniform of the United States. I thank you for your service, I thank you for your dedication, I thank you for your stalwart defense of freedom and peace. (Applause.)

As you mentioned, Your Eminence, in 1821, the people of Greece proclaimed their independence. And they risked their lives to secure liberty. They knew that their land had been the home of the first democratic society, the first place in the world where people could choose their leaders, speak their minds and freely explore the arts and the sciences.

These Greek patriots also knew that freedom and democracy were more than just a legacy, that they were their destiny. And they believed like I believe that freedom is the hope of all mankind -- not just a few people, but of all mankind.

And when they made their stand for freedom and independence they found a lot of friends in this country, Americans who express their support by contributing funds, and some who volunteer to serve in the new Greek army. Americans stood with Greece again after World War II, when violent munist insurgents threatened Greece's free government. As you mentioned, President Truman saw the danger, and he articulated a new and bold doctrine for our country. In an address to the United States Congress, he put it this way: "It must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures."

Like democracy, itself, the Truman doctrine grew out of the experience of the Greek people, and affirmed the desire for freedom for all people -- not just a handful, not just some, but for all.

Today, Greece and the United States are allies in the cause of freedom, Madam Minister, and I want you to send thanks to your government. In Afghanistan, a Greek engineering team provides support to the international security assistance force; a Greek medical team provides emergency care to those who are wounded. And we thank you very much.

In Lebanon, Greek naval units are part of a UNIFIL force supporting the democratic Siniora government. These Greek forces are serving with courage, they're helping young democracies who struggle against the forces of evil. And I appreciate your vision. I appreciate the good work that we're doing to lay the foundation of peace for generations to e. It is hard work, Madam Minister, but it is necessary work.

I appreciate the important help Greece has provided to Americans who find themselves in danger overseas. Last summer, Greece was one of the first nations to offer ships to help evacuate Americans who found themselves stranded in Lebanon following Hezbollah's unprovoked terrorist attacks on Israel. We called for your help, and you delivered, and we appreciate that a lot. That's what friends do.

In January, the Greek government responded quickly following a grenade attack on our embassy in Athens. And we appreciate the determination of Greek authorities to bring those responsible for this attack to justice,論文翻譯. We're grateful for the many messages of sympathy and support we've received after those attacks.

We also share with Greece important ties of faith, Your Eminence,日文翻譯. The Greek Orthodox Church counts more than 1 million members in the United States, and it plays a vital role in the spiritual life of our nation. Your Eminence, I thank you, and congratulate you on 40 years of ministry as a bishop. You're providing necessary and important leadership here in the United States. You are a man of wisdom. You're a man of prayer. I appreciated your thoughtful response to me and Laura after the September the 11th attacks. These were tough times for our nation, and your forting call meant a lot to me.

I thank you for your determination to rebuild what was lost on that terrible day. On 9/11 the terrorists who struck Manhattan brought down not only magnificent skyscrapers, but a humble house of worship. Before those attacks, St. Nicholas Church stood just south of the second tower of the World Trade Center. Your vision is for a new St. Nicholas to rise just a few steps from its original site. And with your help, St. Nicholas will once again be a sanctuary of faith in New York's financial district, and a new center of reconciliation for visitors from all over the world.

I thank you very much, Your Eminence, for gracing this house. This is the people's house. This belongs to everybody who's an American. I thank you for your vision of peace. I thank you for your spirituality. And I thank you for joining me as we Greek Independence Day.

May God bless you all. (Applause.)

END 3:18 P.M. EDT


Toe the line,踮著腳尖在一條線上走?別誤會,它可不是走鋼絲呦。它的意思是“聽從命令、服從紀律、按慣例行事”。

Toe the line最早出現於18世紀。關於line在這個詞組中的意思有兩種說法。一種是“起跑線”的意思,美加翻譯社,運動員們用腳尖踮著起跑線,等待著發槍施令,泰文翻譯,這樣toe the line就表示“按慣例行事、服從紀律”的意思了。第二種說法則認為line是指“在船的甲板上或閱兵場上畫的一條直線”,新兵在集合的時候都必須在直線上列隊。因此toe the line在這裏就有了“服從命令”的含義。

看下面一個例句:The chairman warned the senator to toe the party line while running for the governor,美加翻譯公司.(議長告誡議員們在競選州長時要嚴守該黨的路線。)

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

Many important subjects will claim your attention during the present session, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberations, a just idea in this munication. I undertake this duty with diffidence, from the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat and of their great importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal from a thorough conviction that there never was a period since the establishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the civilized world and its bearing upon us, there was greater necessity for devotion in public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue, patriotism, and union in our constituents.

At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have inevitably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

It was stated at the mencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries,論文翻譯, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe,遠見翻譯, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it port with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candour and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly toward the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the petent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.

The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in ;which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power,美加翻譯, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if [left] to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the parative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.


英語跟漢語對手指的稱吸既有差別又有类似之處。現介紹以下:

1. thumb: 年夜拇指。與漢語相映成趣的是,日文翻譯,英語的all(fingers and) thumbs默示“笨手笨腳”的意义,例如:

I'm all fingers and thumbs this morning. I don't seem to be able to button up my shirt. 明天早上我怎麼笨手笨腳的,似乎連襯衫皆扣不上了。

He was so excited that his fingers were all thumbs and he dropped the teacup. 他激動到手都欠好使了,竟把茶杯摔了。

2. forefinger: 又稱index finger,即食指。前綴fore-暗示“位寘靠前的”(placed at the front),所以從排位上說,forefinger應為“第一指”。從功能上看,此手指伸出時有標示或指背的感化。正在一些英語东西書中,我們會見到這樣的表现“參見”(index)露義的脚型符號。

3. middle finger: 中指。此指居中,名正行順,且與漢語說法也一緻。

4. ring finger: 無名指。從世界各天的婚雅習慣來說,結婚戒指(wedding ring)戴在這一手指(凡是指左手)上,示意已婚。

5. little finger: 顧名思義為小指。在好國战囌格蘭,人們又賦予它一個愛稱,筦它叫 pinkie(pinky),後綴-ie(-y)有“玲珑可愛”之意。

五指長短纷歧,各有各的用處,但惟有彼此協做才干發揮最大的功效。